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No paper, from the time of Roger L'Estrange's Observator downwards, ever more completely reflected the individuality of its editor. Peter Brown took a certain share in the business management, and also contributed occasional articles to its columns; but the bone and sinew, the body and soul, the heart's blood and nerves of the enterprise were evolved from the son.

The latter made himself acquainted with the wants and sentiments of the people throughout this Upper Province as no man had ever done before. He circulated among them, rich and poor, gentle and simple; went to their houses, visited their schools, inspected their crops and farm improvements, and placed himself fully in accord with their inner lives. In an incredibly short space of time he knew every Reformer in the Province who was worth knowing—as well as a good many who were perhaps hardly worth the trouble.

From Amherstburgh to Cornwall, from Goderich to Niagara, he hurried hither and thither, making acquaintances and increasing his influence and his knowledge of the country every day. In this way he was able to gauge, and not unfrequently to mould public opinion. The Globe was soon a household word everywhere in Upper Canada, and had a considerable circulation in the Lower Province.

It was the recognized organ of the Reform Party, but was conducted with an independence and sometimes with an insubordination that knew no master, and would submit to no dictation. Its circulation and influence grew apace, and it soon became necessary to issue it twice a-week, though the subscription price remained unchanged.

Three years later it began to be issued both tri-weekly and weekly, the price [Pg 11] of the tri-weekly edition being four dollars a year, and that of the weekly edition two dollars. Satisfactory as this success must have been, there was as yet no room for a daily, and even the tri-weekly was considered as being in advance of the times.

Long before this time Sir Charles Metcalfe had succumbed to the terrible disease which had so long held him in its grasp. He had resigned his post, returned to England, and died. The policy which he had striven to maintain, and which had found so redoubtable an opponent in Mr. Brown, did not totally disappear from the scene with the Governor-General. It cannot be said to have been effectually done away with until the elections ofwhen it received its death-blow at the polls.

To this result the Globe contributed more perhaps than any other factor whatever. Brown worked with an energy which, even for him, was tremendous, to secure a great triumph for the Liberal Party. He had established a western branch office of the Globe in London, and had taken personal charge of it during the busiest four months of the campaign.

He had visited various constituencies in the interest of Reform candidates, and always with satisfactory results. His speeches from the hustings and on the stump were generally addressed to audiences where the Scottish element was predominant, and were always received with enthusiasm and tumultuous applause.

His style of speaking was something altogether different from that to which Canadian electors had been accustomed. It possessed precisely the same qualities as his editorial articles.

It was sinewy, tumultuous, impetuous, like the utterances of a man who must have his say out or perish in the attempt. It seldom failed to carry all before it, and he was often sent out as a forlorn hope. Gunn's characterization of his boyish effort at declamation at the Edinburgh Southern Academy would have applied with tenfold felicity to the speeches of his manhood. Any one who is old enough to have heard him deliver one of his election speeches does not need to be told that he was endowed with high enthusiasm, or that he possessed the faculty of begetting enthusiasm in his hearers.

By the time this election campaign was at an end George Brown was better known throughout the Province than any man in public life in Upper Canada.

He was pressed again and again by various constituencies to enter Parliament, but he was not yet ready to do so, and continued to devote himself to his paper. Upon the formation of the Baldwin-Lafontaine Administration, inafter the arrival of Lord Elgin, the Globe became the mouthpiece of the Government. Baldwin was subjected to a similar indignity in Montreal, as also were most of the prominent members of the Administration, as well as the Governor-General himself.

During the same year Mr. Brown took a prominent part as one of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the abuses connected with the Provincial Penitentiary at Kingston. The inquiry lasted several months, and resulted in important reforms in the management of that institution.

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Upon the opening of the Parliamentary session in May of the following year it soon began to be apparent that there was not perfect unanimity of sentiment among the supporters of the Government. The sources of discord were various, and the dissatisfaction of the members from the Lower Province did not arise from the same causes as those which produced the discontent in Upper Canada.

Papineau's principal grievance arose from his desire to see the Legislative Council made elective. The [Pg 12] Separate School question was another bone of contention.

In the Upper Province a large section of the Reform Party began to clamour vehemently for the secularization of the Clergy Reserves. The agitation on these subjects was largely fomented by Mr. Brown, who advocated them in the columns of the Globe with the vigour and determination which he had always been wont to display with respect to matters on which he had fully made up his mind.

The feelings of the Government on the question of the Clergy Reserves have been sufficiently indicated in the sketch of Robert Baldwin. The members were not unanimous on the matter, and some of them were even disposed to abide by the settlement made under Lord Sydenham. Not one of them was in any unseemly haste to see secularization accomplished. Brown, notwithstanding his strong desire for secularization, continued to give the Government a general support in the Globe. Not so the Examiner, a paper which had been founded twelve years before in Toronto by Mr.

Hincks as an exponent of Reform principles, and which was at this time under the editorial control of Mr. Charles Lindsey, and the business control of Mr. The Examiner now advocated many sweeping measures of reform with which the Administration was not disposed to deal, and erelong arrayed itself in Opposition.

It supported the policy of Dr. Rolph, Peter Perry, Malcolm Cameron—who had held office in the Administration, but had resigned—and the extreme wing of the Reform Party. The adherents of this Party were distinguished by the name of "Clear Grits," and in addition to the secularization of the Clergy Reserves, advocated universal suffrage, vote by ballot, free trade and direct taxation, the abolition of the Court of Chancery, and many other root-and-branch reforms.

Some of these measures—notably that of secularization—received support from the Globe, but the root-and-branch policy as a whole was regarded by Mr. Brown as in advance of the times, and its supporters were denounced as "a little miserable clique of office-seeking, buncombe-talking cormorants, who met in a certain lawyer's office on King Street, and announced their intention to form a new Party on 'Clear Grit' principles. The influence of the Examiner tended to weaken the hands of the Administration, which, however, was strong enough to retain a majority in the House until the close of the session.

This division in the Reform camp soon became so wide that a reconstruction of the Cabinet became necessary. In both Mr. Lafontaine retired from public life, and Mr. Other changes took place in the composition of the Ministry, and its policy underwent such modification that the support of the Globe was entirely withdrawn from it.

Two of the most prominent "Clear Grits"—Dr. Rolph and Malcolm Cameron—accepted seats in the reconstructed Administration. From this time it not only received no further support from the Globe, but became the object of that journal's determined opposition. At the general election which followed the reconstruction of the Cabinet, Mr.

Brown for the first time offered himself as a candidate for a seat in Parliament.

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The constituency chosen by him was the county of Haldimand. His principal opponent was Mr. William Lyon Mackenzie, who had returned to Canada in There was a third candidate in the field in the person of the late Mr. Ranald McKinnon, who was a resident of the county; but his opposition alone would not have presented any formidable obstacle to Mr.

There were reasons which, at that time, made Mr. Brown an unpopular candidate in a constituency [Pg 13] which contained a large Roman Catholic vote.

His unpopularity was due to his having taken up what was in those days known as "the Broad Protestant Cry. The English Protestants resented the Pope's action with a vehemence and odium theologicum altogether out of proportion to the insignificance of the occasion. The resentment extended from the highest class of society to the lowest, and was not confined to any sect or creed. Addresses to Her Majesty poured in from all parts of the country, and never, perhaps, has the peace of mind of a large and intelligent community been so seriously disturbed about so trivial a matter.

Lord John Russell put forth an indignant protest in the form of a letter addressed to the Bishop of Durham, which was copied and commented on throughout the Christian world. Lord Chancellor Campbell, at a public dinner given in London, called upon the Protestants of England to rouse themselves before it was too late, and to nip the insidious aggression of Rome in the bud.

In the lower strata of society the talk was just as loud, but was not confined to talk alone, and took a more practical shape. At Stockport, in Lancashire, a number of Protestants got together and created almost a riot by belabouring a squad of Irish Catholics who were employed in public works there. The Irish Catholics of Birkenhead retaliated by attacking and burning the houses of Protestants. The Government of the day took up the matter, and introduced a Bill prohibiting the assumption of English territorial titles by Catholic prelates in England.

The Bill was opposed with splendid eloquence and sound argument by Gladstone, Bright and Cobden, who took the broad ground that the prohibition aimed at would involve an undue interference with religious liberty.

The feeling of the House, however, was such that even these giants of debate did not inspire respect on this question, and for once their speeches were listened to with ill-suppressed impatience.

The Bill was passed by a tremendous majority, and at once received the royal assent. It stands unrepealed to this day; but, though both Cardinal Wiseman, Cardinal Manning, and others have repeatedly and fearlessly violated its provisions, no attempt has ever been made to enforce them. The sentiment of ultra-Protestantism which rose to such a height of fervour in England was reflected with, if possible, increased fervour in Upper Canada.

Brown caught the infection early, but for some time refrained from giving special prominence to the subject in the Globe. It was decreed, however, that if he continued to refrain, it should not be for want of an excellent opportunity for speaking out. Cardinal Wiseman, shortly after his arrival in England from Rome, and pending the debate on the Prohibition Bill, had put forth a pronunciamento in which the argument on the Roman Catholic side of the question was presented with much clearness and force.

A copy of this document was handed to Mr. Brown to publish it in the Globe, and jocularly expressed a doubt as to his having the courage and fairness to do so. Brown expressed his perfect willingness to publish [Pg 14] the pronunciamento, but not unreasonably stipulated that, in case of his doing so he should also publish a reply, to be written by himself. To this Sir Etienne assented, and accordingly both pronunciamento and reply appeared at full length in the columns of the Globe.

Brown, in replying to the Cardinal's specious arguments, was necessarily compelled to present the matter from a Protestant point of view, and in a light which was far from being acceptable to Roman Catholics.

The question was taken up by the entire press of the country, and was argued with great bitterness on both sides. Brown thus came to be regarded as the Canadian champion of Protestantism, and the avowed opponent of Roman Catholic doctrines.

The stand so taken by him, as might have been expected, was made the most of by his opponents in Haldimand. He was represented to the Roman Catholic electors there as a man whose dominant passion was to circumscribe the power of the Pope, and who, if he could have his own way, would make it a criminal offence to perform or attend mass.

These tactics answered their purpose, and Mr. Brown sustained a defeat. There were other constituencies open to him, however, and in the following December he was returned for the county of Kent, which then included the present county of Lambton.

Upon the opening of the session at Quebec in August,he took his seat in the House, and was thenceforward one of the most conspicuous figures in it. He had no sympathy with the Government, and criticised its measures with much asperity.

It was alleged by the members of the Government that his hostility arose from the fact that he had not been asked to join them. It was also said that he was angry because the Globe had ceased to be the organ of the Administration, which proclaimed its policy through the medium of the North American, edited by Mr. There can be no manner of doubt that the action of the Government towards Mr. Brown at this juncture, whatever may have been the motive of it, was a political blunder.

His personal qualities, and the great vigour and ability by which the editorials of the Globe were marked, had made him in many important respects the most influential man in the country. No Government to which he was opposed could expect to run with perfect smoothness. It is simple matter of fact that some of the most prominent members of the Government were jealous of Mr. His rapid rise, and his steadily increasing influence, were viewed by them with ill-concealed apprehension, and this feeling was doubtless increased by Mr.

Brown's own impetuosity and unconciliatoriness of spirit. He could not brook contradiction, and never admitted distrust of himself.

His opposition was severe and merciless, and was constantly breaking out in unexpected places. His "broad Protestantism" was specially distasteful to the French Roman Catholic members in the Government, between whom and himself there was scarcely anything in common. In the month of October,the Globe first made its appearance as a daily paper, and it thenceforward became a more important factor than ever in the moulding of public opinion.

It inveighed strongly against monopolies of every kind, and availed itself of every occasion to embarrass the Government. Opportunities for creating such embarrassment were neither few nor far between. The Ministry were accused by the Globe of being altogether too dilatory in dealing with the Clergy Reserves, and other important questions on which the public felt strongly.

As matter of fact the Ministry were willing enough to pass a measure of [Pg 15] secularization, but were unable to do so, owing to the delay of the Imperial Parliament in repealing the Act of 3 and 4 Vic. Brown was by this time the recognized head of the most advanced wing of the Reform Party, the "Clear Grits" whom he had previously denounced.

Advanced as were his views, however, he and his followers had one sentiment in common with the Conservatives, namely, hostility to the reigning Administration. This bond of union, slight as it was, was destined to bring about a change of Government. At the general election which followed the dissolution inMr. Hincks, the Premier, was honoured by a double return. A great majority of the members returned for the new Parliament, however, were opposed to the policy of Mr.

Malcolm Cameron, the Postmaster-General, was defeated by Mr. Brown in Lambton by a large majority, and other staunch supporters of the Government shared a similar fate. Upon the meeting of Parliament Mr. Hincks was compelled to resign, and he shortly afterwards retired from public life in this country, only to resume it many years after.

Chauveau as Provincial Secretary. Upon such a consummation as this Mr. Brown had not counted, and he opposed the new Government as vigorously as he had opposed the late one. The Opposition from the Lower Province was led by Mr. John Sandfield Macdonald arrayed himself on the same side, as the leader of part of the old Ministerial Party.

The Imperial Parliament had meanwhile paved the way to secularization of the Clergy Reserves by repealing the Act of The new Canadian Ministry were worldly wise, and bowed to the popular demand.

They promptly passed a measure handing over the Clergy Reserve lands to the various municipal corporations, to be devoted to secular purposes. Later on, after Mr.

The Globe, however, found abundant matter for criticism, both in the conduct of the Administration and in the personal character of some of its members. Though its criticisms may have sometimes been unduly harsh and wanting in discrimination, they seldom failed to tell upon the country.

The Globe, merely as a newspaper, had now become a recognized necessity in the land, even by those who had no sympathy with the principles which it advocated.

It was a daily, and on important occasions several editions of it were issued in the twenty-four hours. Its circulation was many thousands. The enterprise of its proprietor had placed it far in advance of any of its competitors as a medium of disseminating news. Its news was as trustworthy as current intelligence can possibly be; and however bitterly it might assail hostile ministries, it was always on the side of law and order and good morals.

This latter qualification, which at the present day would be assumed as a matter of course, was at that date a real distinction, as anyone who thinks proper to examine the Canadian newspapers of the period will readily perceive.

The Globe, in a word, was the only paper which was read everywhere in Canada, and its influence on public opinion was incalculable. It will not be supposed that this splendid success had been achieved without effort. It is no slight task for a young man [Pg 16] of limited experience and capital to establish a newspaper which shall affect the rise and fall of governments, the market price of stocks, the political, and even the religious faith of a large and heterogeneous community.

Its proprietor possessed a boundless capacity for hard work. When any task of importance was to be performed, no one ever heard him complain of fatigue. He believed in himself. There is a not uncommon delusion in the public mind that a man, in order to be a successful journalist, should have no opinions of his own. He should be ready to take up any question, and any side of it, with equal zest.

Never was there a greater fallacy. No man yet ever possessed genuine power without genuine convictions. A man who writes what he does not believe will never write well. He may write elegantly, and may cut capers and flourishes in philology with much alertness; but he will never write what will stir the public blood and hold the public ear. No amount of rhetorical training will ever enable a man who has no beliefs to write a telling paragraph.

As Macaulay puts it, "The art of saying things well is of no use to the man who has got nothing to say. Johnson wrote Tory pamphlets like "Taxation no Tyranny," he was Samson shorn of his hair.

George Brown had pretty nearly all his life had something to say; and when the case was otherwise—a rare contingency—he had been accustomed to hold his tongue.

His editorial articles in the Globe had always been conspicuous for what is known among journalists as point. They were not unfrequently very personal and in very questionable taste, but they were always on subjects in which the public felt a real interest.

Their pungency always made itself felt. It may be doubted whether the acridity of the editorials had not as much to do with building up a reputation for the paper as its enterprise in collecting and distributing news. To carry on such an undertaking as this would in itself have been sufficient for the energy of most men.

It was merely one iron—the principal one, however—that Mr. Brown had in the fire. He was the leader of an exacting Party in Parliament, and its mouthpiece outside. He was busy with church matters, social matters, municipal matters. It was to be expected that there would at times be pecuniary embarrassments.

Agents sometimes proved dishonest, and the outlay was sometimes—for those days—enormous. Nothing furnishes a more signal proof of Mr. Brown's dogged, unconquerable power of will and readiness of resource, than the fact that he was always able to extricate himself from the manifold inconveniences of a narrow income and a prodigious outlay, and this while he had a score of other matters on his hands imperatively demanding attention.

These difficulties, however, had been in a great measure surmounted at the time to which we have brought the narrative down. He was now comparatively well-to-do in money matters, and able to depute a good many of his former duties to subordinates.

His speeches in the House during this period were marked by all the vigour and impetuosity of his early youth, and by a ripeness of judgment to which his earlier efforts could lay no claim.

Notwithstanding the multitude and variety of his ordinary pursuits, he had found time to make himself thoroughly acquainted with constitutional questions, and looked at things from a broader point of view. Some of his speeches at this date produce a powerful effect on the mind, even when read in the solitude of the study, and must have been particularly effective when accompanied by his own forcible delivery.

One or two of the best of them must have been made with very little preparation. Their spirit is liberal, and their statesmanship broad. His success as a Parliamentary speaker no longer admitted of dispute.

At the general election which took place [Pg 17] in the autumn of he achieved the triumph of being elected for two constituencies—the City of Toronto and the North Riding of Oxford. The crucial question on which he offered himself to the electors was that of Representation by Population—currently known as Rep. He elected to sit for Toronto. Parliament met in Toronto at the end of February, On the question of Rep. On another matter they were less successful. The question as to the location of the seat of Government had recently been submitted to Her Majesty, and it was now proclaimed that she had given her decision in favour of Ottawa.

The Opposition, with Mr. Brown at its head, disapproved of this selection, and brought forward a resolution expressive of its views. This resolution was carried by a majority of fourteen, and the Ministry promptly resigned.

Sir Edmund Head, the Governor-General, in order that the business of the country might not be impeded, requested Mr. Brown to form a Ministry. Brown assented, and formed what is known as the Brown-Dorion Administration, which was made up as follows: Skeffington Connor, Solicitor-General West.

Dorion, Commissioner of Crown Lands; L. Drummond, Attorney-General East; M. Thibaudeau, Minister of Agriculture; Luther H.

This, the shortest Administration known to Canadian history, was fated to last only four days. Persons familiar with the past records of these gentlemen will readily understand that such a Ministry was composed of very incongruous materials, and could hardly have been expected to be of long duration.

A vote of want of confidence was passed, and Mr. Brown requested the Governor-General to dissolve Parliament, upon the ground that it did not represent the feelings of the country. The Governor-General declined a dissolution, alleging that a general election had just taken place, and that the House sufficiently represented the popular will. The Government adopted the only alternative left—to resign office.

It was at this juncture that the episode known by the undignified name of the "Double Shuffle" took place. Galt doubted his ability to form a Government which would command public confidence, and had no ambition to form one which, like its predecessor, would be compelled to resign in a few days.

Upon his signifying his refusal to the Governor-General, the latter applied to Mr. Cartier, with the assistance of Mr. Macdonald, formed the Cartier-Macdonald Cabinet. The composition of this Ministry was very much the same as that of the last Conservative Ministry, which had resigned just before the formation of the Brown-Dorion Administration, had been.

The former had been known as the Macdonald-Cartier Administration. In the present one the names were simply reversed, and it became the Cartier-Macdonald Administration. It was composed of Messrs. Belleau, Speaker of the Legislative Council. The whole arrangement, indeed, was little more than a simple exchange of offices on the part of the members of the former Government. This is precisely what was done by the members of the Ministry at this juncture who had held office in the Macdonald-Cartier Administration.

In doing so they kept within the strict letter of the law, but transgressed against the spirit of the Constitution, and the prevalent usage in Great Britain. Brown and the Reform Party generally denounced this conduct in unmeasured terms, and succeeded in creating a wide-spread feeling throughout the country on the subject. The matter was subsequently tested in the Courts, and the action of the ministers was upheld, as it could not be said that they had broken the law.

The impropriety of such a proceeding, however, and the monstrous injustice to which it might give rise if allowed to be repeated, were so apparent that the Act was amended, and the obnoxious clause repealed. He was opposed by the Hon. John Hillyard Cameron, and the contest that ensued was one of almost unexampled keenness. Brown, however, was successful, and continued to represent Toronto until the then existing Parliament expired by effluxion of time in the month of June, The Cartier-Macdonald Government continued to hold the reins of power, though its membership underwent one or two modifications, until the close of the Parliament in In the fall of the year a Reform Convention was held in Toronto which was destined to have important results, not only with respect to the existing Administration, but with respect to the Canadian Constitution.

Two resolutions were passed, the first of which declared that the existing Legislative Union of Upper and Lower Canada had failed to realize the anticipations of its promoters; that it had resulted in a heavy debt, grave political abuses, and universal dissatisfaction; and that from the antagonism developed through difference of origin, local interest and other causes, the union in its present form could no longer be continued with advantage to the people.

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The second declared that the true remedy for those evils would be found in the formation of two or more local Governments, to which should be committed all matters of a sectional character, and in the erection of some joint authority to dispose of the affairs common to all. During the following session of Parliament, which opened at Quebec on the 28th of February,Mr.

Brown moved these resolutions on the floor of the House. He supported them in a speech of great power. On the 8th of May a vote was taken on them, and they were both defeated by large majorities. As we all know, however, the country had not heard the last of them. The principles they enunciated came, in process of time, to be recognized as the only ones whereby the Government could be carried on, and they were subsequently embodied in the British North America Act of Confederation.

Upon presenting himself as a candidate for Toronto East, at the general election ofMr. Brown was defeated by Mr. John Crawford, and did not offer himself to any other constituency. He was soon afterwards prostrated [Pg 19] by a serious illness—the first and only constitutional ailment which, in the course of a long and amazingly active life, he was ever called upon to endure.

Upon his recovery he went abroad with a view to the thorough reestablishment of his health, and was absent from Canada for nearly a year. During his absence he married, at Edinburgh, on the 27th of November,Miss Annie Nelson, a daughter of the eminent publisher Mr.

Immediately after his return he resumed his management of the Globe with all his old vigour. The Cartier-Macdonald Administration had meanwhile been defeated on the Bill respecting military defences, and had given place to the Sandfield Macdonald-Sicotte Government. The latter was now vehemently assailed by the Globe on various grounds, but chiefly for its non-adoption of Representation by Population, and its devices for securing the support of the French Canadian members.

Connor, the member for South Oxford, was elevated to a seat on the Judicial Bench, and thus left a vacancy in the House of which Mr. Brown determined to avail himself. His election for that constituency was a foregone conclusion, and he continued to represent it in Parliament until the Union. During the same year he delivered a speech in Toronto on the subject of "The American War and Slavery," which was subsequently published at Manchester under the auspices of the Union and Emancipation Society.

This year was further rendered memorable to Mr. Brown by the death of his father, who died at his residence in Toronto on the 30th of June. The Globe contained an eloquent and touching tribute to his memory. By this time the views which Mr. Brown had persistently advocated ever since his first entry into public life—more especially on the vexed question of Representation by Population and the "joint authority" scheme—had begun to commend themselves to the intelligence of his opponents.

The Ministry from time to time underwent various modifications, but parties were so evenly divided that no Ministry could feel itself strong.

Its majorities on every important measure were insignificant, and it was compelled to adopt a vacillating policy which satisfied nobody.

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There had been a considerable increase in taxation, accompanied by a steadily-increasing deficit in the public exchequer, and there was an uneasy feeling from one end of the country to the other.

After the prorogation on the 12th of May, another reconstruction of the Cabinet took place, and the Sandfield Macdonald-Dorion Administration was formed. Parliament met in August. The debate on the address lasted fourteen days, and the motion was finally carried by a majority of only three—the vote standing sixty-three for the Ministry to sixty against.

With this harassing majority the Government contrived to drag through the session, which came to an end on the 15th of October. The following spring ushered in a new Cabinet with Sir E. It was no stronger than the late one had been, and only existed a few weeks, when a vote of non-confidence was passed.

Public feeling was more disturbed than ever. It was evident that if the Government of the country was to be carried on at all there must be a change, not of the Cabinet merely, but of the constitution itself. There was literally a "dead-lock" in public affairs. Even the strongest advocates of party began to stand aghast, and to seriously ask themselves whither this untoward state of things was leading them. The Government could no longer be carried on by either party. Neither dissolutions nor readjustments of the Ministry could effect any [Pg 20] lasting good.

Those devices had been repeatedly resorted to, and had accomplished nothing beyond prolonging an unseemly and useless struggle. Brown's day of triumph was at hand. The "joint authority" scheme which he had so often brought forward; which had been made the subject of continued ridicule; which had been voted down time and time again by overwhelming majorities; which had been jeered at as the chimaera of an unpractical theorist with a bee in his bonnet—this scheme at last began to be seriously entertained.

It soon came to be recognized as the one and only remedy for the existing dead-lock. Macdonald, after taking counsel with his colleagues, made advances to Mr.

Brown, and proposed that a Coalition Government should be formed for the purpose of carrying the project into effect. Brown consented to temporarily sink all past hostilities, and to join hands with his opponents for the public good. Macmullen, 1 "a strong Coalition Government was formed to carry out the newly-accepted policy of Confederation, and although extreme parties here and there grumbled at these arrangements, the great body of the people, of all shades of opinion, thankful that the dangerous crisis had been safely passed, gladly accepted the situation, and calmly and confidently waited the progress of events.

Never before had a coalition been more opportune. It rendered the government of the country again respectable, elevated it above the accidents of faction, and enabled it to wield the administrative power with that firmness and decision so requisite during the trying and critical period which speedily ensued.

At this Conference Messrs. George Brown, John A. Langevin, William Macdougall and Alexander Campbell were present, having attended for the purpose of urging a confederation not merely of the Maritime Provinces, but of all the Provinces of British America. This larger scheme met with favour, and the project of a mere Maritime Confederation was abandoned.

After several days' discussion the Conference adjourned till the 10th of October, when the delegates agreed to meet at Quebec. Brown and his colleagues from Canada West spent a great part of the interval in making a progress through New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, where they addressed numerous public meetings, and unfolded the merits of the great project which they had in view.

The adjourned Conference met at Quebec on the 10th of October, and was attended by thirty-three delegates, representing all shades of opinion, from the different Provinces. The session was held with closed doors, and lasted seventeen days. During those seventeen days all the principal points of Confederation were agreed upon, and resolutions embodying them were adopted by the Conference.

Brown's speeches during these seventeen days have been pronounced by persons who heard them, and who are capable of forming a disinterested opinion, to have been the most noteworthy utterances of his life. They were entirely devoid of party-feeling, and were marked by a lofty and disinterested patriotism in which his own personal politics and aspirations seemed to have no part. It is said that more than one of the delegates were for the first time awakened [Pg 21] by those utterances to a true sense of the importance of the great task in which they had been called to take part.

The details of the scheme were soon afterwards published to the world. On the opening of Parliament in February of the following year, the resolutions which had been passed by the Conference were fully discussed. There were some malcontents, but the country at large recognized the merits of the scheme, and it was finally adopted. A deputation, consisting of Messrs.

Macdonald, Cartier and Galt, and Mr. Brown himself, went over to England to confer with the Imperial Government, and the chief provisions of the Act of Confederation were there and then finally settled. The question of Reciprocity between Canada and the United States began to come prominently forward at this time.

The treaty negotiated in had been conditioned to continue in force for ten years from March,after which it might be put an end to by either party upon giving twelve months' notice.

That notice had already been given by the United States, and the treaty would expire on the 17th of March, The people of Canada were all but unanimous in desiring a renewal of reciprocity, and a deputation was sent to Washington for that purpose. Before the departure of the deputation, however, Mr. Brown had withdrawn from the Administration. He was not in accord with the other members as to the terms upon which it would be desirable to negotiate for reciprocity.

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His colleagues were disposed to yield more to the demands of the United States than he believed to be for the interests of the country. This was his ostensible reason for withdrawing from the Government; but the probability is that he felt as though he had been in it long enough.

As matter of fact, there was no good purpose to be served by his continuing to hold office with persons in whom he had no confidence, and to whom he had always been opposed.

Gilbert from his friend Arthur Sullivan. In October, Patience transferred to the new, larger, state-of-the-art Savoy Theatrebuilt with the profits of the previous Gilbert and Sullivan works. The rest of the partnership's collaborations were produced at the Savoy, and are widely known as the " Savoy operas ".

After Iolanthe, Sullivan had not intended to write a new work with Gilbert, but he suffered a serious financial loss when his broker went bankrupt in November Therefore, he concluded that his financial needs obliged him to continue writing Savoy operas.

With box office receipts lagging in MarchCarte gave the six months' notice, under the partnership contract, requiring a new opera. Sullivan, reflecting on this, on his own long-standing kidney problems, and on his desire to devote himself to more serious music, replied to Carte, "[I]t is impossible for me to do another piece of the character of those already written by Gilbert and myself.

Sullivan wrote on 1 April that he had "come to the end of my tether" with the operas: The result was Gilbert and Sullivan's most successful work, The Mikado It hangs next to Frank Holl 's portrait of Gilbert. In Sullivan composed his second and last large-scale choral work of the decade. Apart from the comic operas, this proved to be Sullivan's best received full-length work. It was profitable, but its nine-month run was disappointing compared with most of the earlier Savoy operas. Gilbert finally proposed a comparatively serious opera, to which Sullivan agreed.

In he told an interviewer, "The opera of the future is a compromise [among the French, German and Italian schools] — a sort of eclectic school, a selection of the merits of each one. I myself will make an attempt to produce a grand opera of this new school. Yes, it will be an historical work, and it is the dream of my life. He had collaborated with no other librettist since But Gilbert felt that the reaction to The Yeomen of the Guard had "not been so convincing as to warrant us in assuming that the public want something more earnest still".

He replied, "I have lost the liking for writing comic opera, and entertain very grave doubts as to my power of doing it.

The Gondoliers was a piece described by Gervase Hughes as a pinnacle of Sullivan's achievement. Gilbert believed that this was a maintenance expense that should be charged to Carte alone. I have not yet got over the shock of seeing our names coupled Despite the initial success of Ivanhoe, some writers blamed it for the failure of the opera house, and it soon passed into obscurity.

Sullivan's next piece was Haddon Hallwith a libretto by Sydney Grundy based loosely on the legend of the elopement of Dorothy Vernon with John Manners. It ran for performances, and was praised by critics. Comyns Carr 's King Arthur. The Chieftaina heavily revised version of their earlier two-act opera, The Contrabandista, flopped. It failed, and Sullivan never worked with Gilbert again, although their operas continued to be revived with success at the Savoy.