Winston Churchill - Wikiquote
Tickets to Churchill Downs' Spring Meet and Derby week events outside of Oaks and Derby go on sale on this Friday so get ready to. 41 'Yesterday I spent six hours with the four armoured brigades tli at are all .. 68 at the radier more crowded second meeting with Stalin, which began at eleven p.m. .. responsibility' to Churchill as minister of defence, u* Until die spring of there 'I do not think you can bully Admiral Godfrey,' he advised London, . A brief reminder: there are several (usually four) battalions to the brigade, Congreve's description of Allenby is about as harsh as any judgment in his diary: “a bully . Or it might be that the infantry would rise to meet us with a yell in a counter Thomas thinks of this spring, and the next–but he doesn't forget what his May.
He fills us in on the mood of a battalion which suffered heavily on the Aisne in the fall —Lucy lost his brother—and is now facing its first intensive combat in many months. Even the old soldiers began to lose faith. They said a gamble was good enough—a fight with a chance of winning—but useless sacrifice dismayed us all.
We got our first touch of this kind of fighting in the following June. Our battalion, supporting an attack on the Ballewarde [Bellewaarde or Bellewaerde] salient near Hooge, went into battle six hundred and fifty strong and lost half that number. I was busy for days before the attack copying maps of the intricate German trench system for issue to officers commanding companies and platoons. On the morning of the attack, 15th June [i. Today, a century back, five battalions attacked in this first wave while the German second line was under fire.
About an hour before zero hour a message came down the line that I was to report to Captain Boyle… Captain Boyle has great news for me.
Two men were required to accompany the first wave as a connecting link. Springy and I were delighted. My ambition was to be realised. I was to take part in a charge. With luck I might bayonet a Hun. We reported to Captain Spooner of the 1st Lincolns… We had scarcely arrived when the barrage commenced. Swish, swish, swish, swish. Guns firing and shells bursting were so intermingled, friend and foe, that there was one endless succession shattering detonations.
I looked at Springy and grinned; Springy grinned back. Only a few more minutes… Short three-rung ladders were placed against the parapet, a man stood by each one, his foot on the first step, his rifle and bayonet swung over his shoulder… I fully expected that we should be met by a withering fire as soon as we had emerged into the open. I anticipated the crackle of machine-guns, the rattle of musketry, the sweeping away of our gallant charge, Except that I never once dreamed or considered that I myself should be hit, Even in the this first attack I had the extraordinary feeling of being myself exempt….
Instead of a hail of machine-gun and rifle bullets, there was—nothing! Not a sign of life was to be seen anywhere around the enemy position. Overhead the shells still whined and screeched; behind us and in front great spouts of earth went up in bursts. The noise was deafening, but from the menacing line of earth works opposite, not so much as a puff of smoke.
We ran steadily on. Still not a movement in the trench we were rapidly approaching. What should we meet when we got there, I wondered? Perhaps they were reserving their fire until the last moment. Perhaps a hidden machine-gin nest would seep us away like chaff before the wind. Or it might be that the infantry would rise to meet us with a yell in a counter bayonet charge. I clenched my teeth and gripped my rifle tighter.
Ten yards from the trench Springy and I both sprinted. Two minds with but a single thought. We both wanted to be first to engage the enemy. There was no wire to bother us… What a shock met my eyes as I mounted the German parapet. The trench was full of men; men with sightless eyes and waxen faces… We were attacking a position held by corpses!
This was unvarnished war; war with the gloves off… they aroused a feeling of pity. Death must have come to them so suddenly, without giving them a chance in their own defence. The Lincolns swept past and on to the second line. Springy and I turned and ran back… our job was to report that the first German line was clear. Pollard is writing later, and seems heavily influenced by rather old-fashioned styles of military adventure novels.
Adrenaline-drenched memory, heavily re-written, will generally sound like fiction. And then the qualities of the experience are somewhat circumscribed by the quality of the writing.
At this moment [5 a. Yes—and then the two inevitable things happened: The shelling was now very intense, and men began to fall back on Y Wood. This left us in possession of the 1st line German trenches… The casualties were now considerable, and the units much disorganised by the heavy shelling and heavy losses in officers… Now, as at Neuve Chapellethere was a long delay while messages went back and forth over the torn, heavily-shelled ground between the advanced units and the brigade and division staffs.
GOC 9th Brigade ordered two battalions of 7th Brigade… to start attack; objective being the edge of the lake and Bellewaarde Farm. The attack was preceded by a twenty-minute bombardment. In the meantime, Alf Pollard had come back to the jump-off point to fulfill his role as messenger.
Then, without orders to do so, he again moved forward to join the Lincolnshires, part of the second phase of the successful initial assault. There he saw a wounded German—still firing his pistol—bayoneted by a Tommy. But, other than this close-in view of killing, Pollard has been frustrated in his desire—there is no hand-to-hand fighting to be had. Instead, he moves about trying to aid the wounded and clear the trenches that now must be immediately made defensible: At one place a Hun had fallen and jammed the communications trench with his body.
I took him by the shoulders and another fellow by the feet with the intention of heaving him out of the way.
We lifted him all right, but a shell had taken away the top of his head which fell forward and poured the whole of his brains over my tunic. I was red from chin to ankle. From my appearance I might have been in the bloodiest of bloody encounters. And yet my bayonet was virgin steel; not one round had been fired through my rifle. Another of the common ironies of the attack. Pollard ends up running messages for the machine-gun section of his battalion, as the British dig in and the German artillery—having waited to determine which trenches had been lost—enters the battle.
The delay is to some extent inevitable: Foot speed over broken country will still limit the reactions time of even an efficient commanding officer. Pollard is somewhere near by, providentially safe from the interdiction bombardment, when the two battalions of the 7th Brigade mentioned by Congreve go forward on the attack.
Our job was to consolidate the front line of captured trenches, but our men lost their heads, and two high-spirited companies went forward beyond the line… They were recalled with difficulty and set to the less warlike task of improving the captured first line, which they worked at all day under heavy shell-dire, until about half-past three in the afternoon, when the futile order reached them to resume the attack in daylight.
This description is confirmed by the battalion war diary—indeed, Lucy may be drawing on it: As it moved forward it was very heavily shelled in enfilade, lost forty of its leading ranks, and had to be withdrawn, somewhat shaken. The Ballewarde Salient was now an inferno on which every British and German gun in the vicinity concentrated its fire.
That this body, utterly unrepresentative, utterly unreformed, should come forward and claim the right to make and unmake Governments, should lay one greedy paw on the prerogatives of the sovereign and another upon the established and most fundamental privileges of the House of Commons is a spectacle which a year ago no one would have believed could happen; which fifty years ago no Peer would have dared suggest; and which two hundred years ago would not have been discussed in the amiable though active manner of a political campaign, but would have been settled by charges of cavalry and the steady advance of iron-clad pikemen.
It would be much more true to say "The upkeep of aristocracies has been the hard work of all civilizations". Jonathan Cape,pp. I cannot believe the middle classes and the working classes, who after all have only to use their voting strength to get their own way, are going to degrade and cast away their own voting powers which their fathers won for them in the past I cannot believe that the electors are going obsequiously to hand over their most vital constitutional right, namely, to choose the Chamber that governs the Government, to an antiquated body of titled persons utterly beyond their control.
There is a plain need of some averaging machinery to regulate and even-up the general course of the labour market. Terribly important as economic and constitutional questions may be, the fiscal system of a country and the system of Government which prevails in a country are only means to an end, and that end must be to create conditions favourable to the social and moral welfare of the masses of the citizens. It would be an exaggeration to speak of these changes as though they were a revolution.
They are not a revolution, but, taken altogether, the policy which has been unfolded to this country during the last two or three years, and which is gripped together and carried forward by the Budget — that policy which the Lords have for the time being brought to a full stop — constitutes by far the largest, most scientific, most deliberate, most resolute attempt at social organization and social advance which any man living can remember. We are at the cross-ways. If we stand on the old happy-go-lucky way, the richer classes ever growing in wealth and in number, and ever declining in responsibility, the very poor remaining plunged or plunging even deeper into helpless, hopeless misery, then I think there is nothing before us but savage strife between class and class, with an increasing disorganization, with an increasing destruction of human strength and human virtue—nothing, in fact, but that dual degeneration which comes from the simultaneous waste of extreme wealth and of extreme want.
No, it is here in our midst, close at home, close at hand in the vast growing cities of England and Scotland, and in the dwindling and cramped villages of our denuded countryside. It is there you will find the seeds of Imperial ruin and national decay—the unnatural gap between rich and poor, the divorce of the people from the land, the want of proper discipline and training in our youth, the exploitation of boy labour, the physical degeneration which seems to follow so swiftly on civilized poverty, the awful jumbles of an obsolete Poor Law, the horrid havoc of the liquor traffic, the constant insecurity in the means of subsistence and employment which breaks the heart of many a sober, hard-working man, the absence of any established minimum standard of life and comfort among the workers, and, at the other end, the swift increase of vulgar, joyless luxury—here are the enemies of Britain.
Beware lest they shatter the foundations of her power. By gradual steps, by steady effort from day to day, from year to year, Liberalism enlists hundreds of thousands upon the side of progress and popular democratic reform whom militant Socialism would drive into violent Tory reaction The cause of the Liberal Party is the cause of the left-out millions.
The ever growing complications of civilization create for us new services which have to be undertaken by the State, and create for us an expansion of the existing services. I am of the opinion that the State should increasingly assume the position of the reserve employer of labour. I am very sorry we have not got the railways of this country in our hands. We may do something better with the canals, and we are all agreed that the State must increasingly and earnestly concern itself with the care of the sick and aged, and, above all, of the children.
I do not think that Liberalism in any circumstances can cut itself off from this fertile field of social effort, and I would recommend you not to be scared in discussing any of these proposals, just because some old woman comes along and tells you they are Socialistic. A calm and dispassionate recognition of the rights of the accused against the State, and even of convicted criminals against the State, a constant heart-searching by all charged with the duty of punishment, a desire and eagerness to rehabilitate in the world of industry all those who have paid their dues in the hard coinage of punishment, tireless efforts towards the discovery of curative and regenerating processes, and an unfaltering faith that there is a treasure, if you can only find it, in the heart of every man—these are the symbols which in the treatment of crime and criminals mark and measure the stored-up strength of a nation, and are the sign and proof of the living virtue in it.
Speech in the House of Commons 20 July The unnatural and increasingly rapid growth of the feeble-minded and insane classes, coupled as it is with steady restriction among all the thrifty, energetic and superior stocks constitutes a national and race danger which is impossible to exaggerate.
I feel that the source from which the stream of madness is fed should be cut off and sealed before another year has passed. It is worth noting that eugenics was not a fringe movement of obscure scientists but often led and supported, in Britain and America, by some of the most prominent public figures of the day, across the political divide, such as Julian Huxley, Aldous Huxley, D.
Indeed, none other than Winston Churchill, whilst Home Secretary inmade the following observation: The original document is in the collection of Asquith's papers at the Bodleian Library in Oxford.
The British Navy is to us a necessity and, from some points of view, the German Navy is to them more in the nature of a luxury. Our naval power involves British existence. It is existence to us; it is expansion to them. We cannot menace the peace of a single Continental hamlet, nor do we wish to do so no matter how great and supreme our Navy may become. But, on the other hand, the whole fortunes of our race and Empire, the whole treasure accumulated during so many centuries of sacrifice and achievement would perish and be swept utterly away if our naval supremacy were to be impaired.
I am interested, geared up and happy. Is it not horrible to be made like this? In a letter to his wife Clemmie, during the build up to World War I. Like chasing a quinine pill around a cow pasture.
You have only to persevere to save yourselves, and to save all those who rely upon you. You have only to go right on, and at the end of the road, be it short or long, victory and honor will be found. A Life, Martin Gilbert, Macmillanp. ISBN I am finished. On losing his position at the Admiralty in Panic may resent it, ignorance may deride it, malice may distort it, but there it is.
Only the final results can prove whether military autocracies or Parliamentary Governments are more likely — take them for all in all — to preserve the welfare and safety of great nations.
If the result is inconclusive, the conflict will be renewed after an uneasy interval.
But when an absolute decision is obtained the system of the victors — whoever they are — will probably be adopted to a very great extent by the vanquished. The true characteristic of all British strategy lies in the use of amphibious power. Not the sea alone, but the land and the sea together: ISBN The German hope is that if the frontiers can be unshakeably maintained for another year, a peace can be obtained which will relieve Germany from the consequences of the hideous catastrophe in which she has plunged the world, and leave her free to scheme and prepare a decisive stroke in another generation.
Unless Germany is beaten in a manner which leaves no room for doubt or dispute, unless she is convinced by the terrible logic of events that the glory of her people can never be achieved by violent means, unless her war-making capacity after the war is sensibly diminished, a renewal of the conflict, after an uneasy and malevolent truce, seems unavoidable.
I think a curse should rest on me — because I love this war. I know it's smashing and shattering the lives of thousands every moment — and yet — I can't help it — I enjoy every second of it. A letter to a friend No compromise on the main purpose; no peace till victory; no pact with unrepentant wrong -- that is the Declaration of July 4th, At a joint Anglo-American rally in Westminster, July 4,speaking against calls for a negotiated truce with Germany.
The Great War through which we have passed differed from all ancient wars in the immense power of the combatants and their fearful agencies of destruction, and from all modern wars in the utter ruthlessness with which it was fought.
When all was over, Torture and Cannibalism were the only two expedients that the civilized, scientific, Christian States had been able to deny themselves: The World Crisis, — We may now picture this great Fleet, with its flotillas and cruisers, steaming slowly out of Portland Harbour, squadron by squadron, scores of gigantic castles of steel wending their way across the misty, shining sea, like giants bowed in anxious thought. We may picture them again as darkness fell, eighteen miles of warships running at high speed and in absolute blackness through the narrow Straits, bearing with them into the broad waters of the North the safeguard of considerable affairs….
There is always a strong case for doing nothing, especially for doing nothing yourself. Eaten bread is soon forgotten. Dangers which are warded off by effective precautions and foresight are never even remembered. Mechanical not less than strategic conditions had combined to produce at this early period in the war a deadlock both on sea and land.
The strongest fleet was paralysed in its offensive by the menace of the mine and the torpedo. The strongest army was arrested in its advance by the machine gun The mechanical danger must be overcome by a mechanical remedy Something must be discovered which would render ships immune from the torpedo, and make it unnecessary for soldiers to bare their breasts to the machine-gun hail.
The World Crisis, Jellicoe was the only man on either side who could lose the war in an afternoon. The World Crisis, Part I: The PreliminariesChurchill, Butterworthpp. Is this the end? Is it to be merely a chapter in a cruel and senseless story? Will a new generation in their turn be immolated to square the black accounts of the Teuton and Gaul?
Will our children bleed and gasp again in devastated lands? Or will there spring from the very fires of conflict that reconciliation of the three giant combatants, which would unite their genius and secure to each in safety and freedom a share in rebuilding the glory of Europe.
Great Britain could have no other object but to use her whole influence and resources consistently over a long period of years to weave France and Germany so closely together economically, socially and morally, as to prevent the occasion of quarrels and make their causes die in a realization of mutual prosperity and interdependence.
The World Crisis, The Aftermath: One might as well legalise sodomy as recognise the Bolsheviks. Paris, 24 January ISBN I do not understand this squeamishness about the use of gas. We have definitely adopted the position at the Peace Conference of arguing in favour of the retention of gas as a permanent method of warfare.
It is sheer affectation to lacerate a man with the poisonous fragment of a bursting shell and to boggle at making his eyes water by means of lachrymatory gas.
I am strongly in favour of using poisoned gas against uncivilised tribes. The moral effect should be so good that the loss of life should be reduced to a minimum.
It is not necessary to use only the most deadly gases: Many argue that quotes from this passage are often taken out of context, because Churchill is distinguishing between non-lethal agents and the deadly gasses used in World War I and emphasizing the use of non-lethal weapons; however Churchill is not clearly ruling out the use of lethal gases, simply stating that "it is not necessary to use only the most deadly".
It is sometimes claimed that gas killed many young and elderly Kurds and Arabs when the RAF bombed rebelling villages in Iraq in during the British occupation. For more information on this matter, see Gas in Mesopotamia.
Lenin was sent into Russia by the Germans in the same way that you might send a phial containing a culture of typhoid or cholera to be poured into the water supply of a great city, and it worked with amazing accuracy. We in Great Britain well know that during the great struggle the influence of what may be called the 'National Jews' in many lands was cast preponderatingly on the side of the Allies; and in our own Army Jewish soldiers have played a most distinguished part, some rising to the command of armies, others winning the Victoria Cross for valour.
There is no need to exaggerate the part played in the creation of Bolshevism and in the actual bringing about of the Russian Revolution, by these international and for the most part atheistical Jews, it is certainly a very great one; it probably outweighs all others.
With the notable exception of Lenin, the majority of the leading figures are Jews. Moreover, the principal inspiration and driving power comes from the Jewish leaders. Thus Tchitcherin, a pure Russian, is eclipsed by his nominal subordinate Litvinoff, and the influence of Russians like Bukharin or Lunacharski cannot be compared with the power of Trotsky, or of Zinovieff, the Dictator of the Red Citadel Petrograd or of Krassin or Radek -- all Jews.
In the Soviet institutions the predominance of Jews is even more astonishing. And the prominent, if not indeed the principal, part in the system of terrorism applied by the Extraordinary Commissions for Combating Counter-Revolution has been taken by Jews, and in some notable cases by Jewesses. The same evil prominence was obtained by Jews in the brief period of terror during which Bela Kun ruled in Hungary.
The same phenomenon has been presented in Germany especially in Bavariaso far as this madness has been allowed to prey upon the temporary prostration of the German people. Although in all these countries there are many non-Jews every whit as bad as the worst of the Jewish revolutionaries, the part played by the latter in proportion to their numbers in the population is astonishing.
Churchill viewed Bolshevism as a heavily Jewish phenomenon. He contrasted the Jewish role in the creation of Bolshevism with a more positive view of the role that Jews had played in England. In violent opposition to all this sphere of Jewish effort rise the schemes of the International Jews.
The adherents of this sinister confederacy are mostly men reared up among the unhappy populations of countries where Jews are persecuted on account of their race. Most, if not all of them, have forsaken the faith of their forefathers, and divorced from their minds all spiritual hopes of the next world. This movement among the Jews is not new.
From the days of Spartacus-Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx, and down to Trotsky RussiaBela Kun HungaryRosa Luxemburg Germanyand Emma Goldman United Statesthis world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilisation and for the reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality, has been steadily growing.
It played, as a modern writer, Mrs. Webster, has so ably shown, a definitely recognisable part in the tragedy of the French Revolution. It has been the mainspring of every subversive movement during the Nineteenth Century; and now at last this band of extraordinary personalities from the underworld of the great cities of Europe and America have gripped the Russian people by the hair of their heads and have become practically the undisputed masters of that enormous empire.
However we may dwell upon the difficulties of General Dyer during the Amritsar riotsupon the anxious and critical situation in the Punjab, upon the danger to Europeans throughout that province, … one tremendous fact stands out — I mean the slaughter of nearly persons and the wounding of probably three to four times as many, at the Jallian Wallah Bagh on 13th April. That is an episode which appears to me to be without precedent or parallel in the modern history of the British Empire.
Men who take up arms unlawfully cannot expect that the troops will wait until they are quite ready to begin the conflict. It arises from the bloody and devastating terrorism which they practice in every land into which they have broken, and by which alone their criminal regime can be maintained. Such ideas are absolutely foreign to the British way of doing things. The crowd was unarmed, except with bludgeons. It was not attacking anybody or anything.
It was holding a seditious meeting. When fire had been opened upon it to disperse it, it tried to run away. Pinned up in a narrow place considerably smaller than Trafalgar Square, with hardly any exits, and packed together so that one bullet would drive through three or four bodies, the people ran madly this way and the other. When the fire was directed upon the centre, they ran to the sides.
The fire was then directed to the sides. Many threw themselves down on the ground, and the fire was then directed on the ground. This was continued for 8 or 10 minutes Finally, when the ammunition had reached the point that only enough remained to allow for the safe return of the troops, and after persons … had been killed, and when most certainly 1, or more had been wounded, the troops, at whom not even a stone had been thrown, swung round and marched away.
Speech in the House of Commons, July 8, "Amritsar" I cannot pretend to feel impartial about the colours. I rejoice with the brilliant ones, and am genuinely sorry for the poor browns. Every step may be fruitful. Yet there will stretch out before you an ever-lengthening, ever-ascending, ever-improving path.
You know you will never get to the end of the journey. But this, so far from discouraging, only adds to the joy and the glory of the climb. Remark in after rejoining the Conservatives, having left them earlier to join the Liberals; reported in Kay Halle, Irrepressible Churchillp. Other sources say this remark was made in The enthronement in office of a Socialist Government will be a serious national misfortune such as has usually befallen great States only on the morrow of defeat in war.
It will delay the return of prosperity; it will check enterprise and impair credit; it will open a period of increasing political confusion and disturbance. Letter to a correspondent 17 January shortly before Labour formed its first government, reprinted in The Times 18 Januaryp. Pall Mall Gazette on HG Wells' suggestion of an atomic bomb, in "BBC Article" By abandoning the naval base at Singapore the Socialist Government has made it impossible for the British Navy to enter the Pacific, and consequently to afford the slightest assistance to Australia and New Zealand, no matter how terrible their need might be.
Yet almost at the same time that the British Navy is stripped of its old power of defending the British Empire we know well that they would gladly hawk it round Europe to be the drudge of an international organization and fight in every quarrel but its own.
It accords no political rights.
It rules by terror. It punishes political opinions. It suppresses free speech. It tolerates no newspapers but its own. It persecutes Christianity with a zeal and a cunning never equalled since the times of the Roman Emperors.
It is engaged at this moment in trampling down the peoples of Georgia and executing their leaders by hundreds. It is for this process that Mr. MacDonald asks us to make ourselves responsible. We are to render these tyrannies possible by lending to their authors money to pay for the ammunition to murder the Georgians, to enable the Soviet sect to keep its stranglehold on the dumb Russian nation, and to poison the world, and so far as they can, the British Empire, with their filthy propaganda.
That is what we are asked to take upon ourselves. It is an outrage on the British name. To the enemies of Britain, of civilization, of freedom, to those who deserted us in the crises of the war—smiles, compliments, caresses, cash. But for Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, who sent their brave men to fight and die by scores of thousands, who never flinched and never wearied, who are bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh—to them nothing but frigid repulsion.
Our bread for the Bolshevist serpent; our aid for the foreigner of every country; our favours for the Socialists all over the world who have no country; but for our own daughter States across the oceans, on whom the future of the British island and nation depends, only the cold stones of indifference, aversion, and neglect.
That is the policy with which the Socialist Government confronts us, and against that policy we will strive to marshal the unconquerable might of Britain. Speaking on inter-Allied debts in the House of Commons December 10, ; reported in Parliamentary Debates Commons5th series, vol.
Too often the strong, silent man is silent only because he does not know what to say, and is reputed strong only because he has remained silent. Shapiro, Yale University Press, p. Threatening the Labour Party and trade union movement with a return of the Government-published newspaper he edited during that May's General Strike. A sheep in sheep's clothing.
This is often taken as referring to Clement Attleebut Scottish historian D. I have this on the excellent authority of Sir Winston himself.
The phrase was totally inapplicable to Mr. It was applicable, and applied, to J. Ramsay MacDonald, a very different kind of Labour leader. During a debate with Philip Snowden, 1st Viscount Snowden. To improve is to change, to be perfect is to change often. I have lost my heart! The greatest fear that ever tormented every Democratic or Socialist leader was that of being outbid or surpassed by some other leader more extreme than himself.
It has been said that a continual movement to the Left, a kind of fatal landslide toward the abyss, has been the character of all revolutions. Italy has shown that there is a way to combat subversive forces. She has provided the necessary antidote to the Russian poison.
Hereafter no great nation will be unprovided with an ultimate means of protection against the cancerous growth of Bolshevism. Press statement from Rome 20 Januaryas quoted in Introduction: An infected Russia, a plague-bearing Russia; a Russia of armed hordes not only smiting with bayonet and with cannon, but accompanied and preceded by swarms of typhus-bearing vermin which slew the bodies of men, and political doctrines which destroyed the health and even the souls of nations.
The Aftermath, by Winston Churchill publishedp. These were the only alternatives, and though each had ardent advocates, most people were unprepared for either. Here indeed was the Irish spectre — horrid and inexorcisable.
The World Crisis, Volume V: Although trade is important, there are other and stronger bonds of Empire, and since the Conference of nothing but common interests and traditions have held the Empire together. But those are mighty ties, incomprehensible to Europeans, which have drawn millions of men from the far corners of the earth to the battlefields of France, and we must trust to them to continue to draw us together. The Wilderness Years, — Michigan: Hillsdale Press,p. Minerva,p. Dominion status can certainly not be attained while India is a prey to fierce racial and religious dissensions and when the withdrawal of British protection would mean the immediate resumption of mediaeval wars.
It cannot be attained while the political classes in India represent only an insignificant fraction of the three hundred and fifty millions for whose welfare we are responsible. Minerva,pp. I loved her dearly — but at a distance.
Winston Churchill | A Century Back | Page 2
Where my reason, imagination or interest were not engaged, I would not or I could not learn. Thus I got into my bones the essential structure of the ordinary British sentence, which is a noble thing. On studying English rather than Latin at school, Chapter 2 Harrow. No hour of life is lost that is spent in the saddle. My early life, —Churchill, Winston S.