'L.A. Law' cast members testify to the effect the series had - Los Angeles Times
A Baker Street Wedding by Michael Robertson December 04, Wait For Me by Susan May Warren A Season of . Black Swan Rising by Lisa Brackmann. Real married couple Jill Eikenberry and Michael Tucker's characters of "I called my manager and said get me back to Steven Bochco, I know the to L.A. encouraged Smits to fly out here and try to arrange a meeting with Bochco. his brother-in-law and the writers gave Brackman "a wonderful series of. Breaking into the curriculum—OpenShift in the classroom Michael McNeill, DevSecOps with disconnected Red Hat OpenShift Mike Battles, Stuart Bain.
The brother turns out to be accused of eco-terrorism, and Ellie's hunt will bring her to the attention of powerful multinational corporations, the Chinese secret service, and an eccentric art-collecting billionaire.
As with the previous book, it means she spends a lot of time running scared and getting beaten up and not knowing who exactly is after her. There isn't much to the "mystery" — what makes the book enjoyable is, of course, Ellie's outsider's view of China.
This is a modern look at China, with its odd mix of authoritarian statism and hyper-capitalism, beautiful country villages and cities so polluted that the air is practically solid. A GMO seed company is the primary villain, but there is of course the ever-present though mostly easy to pretend-it-isn't-there surveillance by various organs of the Chinese government.
The Chinese characters are often more cynical than Ellie is about their country, but they are as proud and as ambitious and as nationalistic as any Americans. Also, Ellie's mother, who drove her crazy last book with a constant stream of Jesus-loves-you emails, comes to China for a visit. Lisa Brackmann understands the value of comic relief characters. An altogether enjoyable read. For any fan of crime fiction or expat adventures, go ahead and get started on this series now — it's my hope that it will be around for a while.
If you, however, prefer a book with deep characterizations, exquisite descriptions, a terrifying real-world conspiracy, and action that occurs in sudden bursts of sheer terror, set in a county that is both surreally beautiful and maddeningly baffling, then this book should be at the top of your reading list.
The description lays out the plot pretty well. In Hour of the Rat, Ms. Ellie is both physically and mentally scarred from her tour as a military medic in Iraq. Data collection Data were collected through three in-depth, semi-structured interviews with each individual participant see Table II. In addition, journals were provided to the participants in order for them to document daily the forms of play they were engaged in.
Areas of play identified by the participants were then photographed by the researchers after the interviews had taken place and later used in photo elicitation to draw out comments and descriptions of the locations of play from the participants. Photo elicitation is a technique that may be used within interviews as part of data collection, where photographic images are used to initiate and guide conversation or dialogue The in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with each of the four participants individually on the school grounds in a quiet, non-distracting and familiar environment and at a time negotiated with the teachers to ensure that no vital classwork was missed.
Participants could choose to be interviewed in either English or Afrikaans by one of the researchers. Voice recorders were utilised to record the interviews, and observations were recorded later as field notes.
Participants were each seen for three interviews in total, with the average duration of each interview being 25 minutes. The first interview focussed on the broad question, 'What is it like for you to play on the street? Participants were provided with a journal to record their experience of street play and were asked to bring these journals to the next interview as part of data triangulation. The first interview also helped identify the most common location of play on the street for each participant.
The five undergraduate researchers then took photographs of these locations to use as part of photo elicitation during the second interview, which occurred the next day. The short interval between the first and second interviews was planned in order to sustain the children's focus and interest.
None of the participants, however, remembered to bring the journal to the second interview. The third interview, which took place two weeks later, was conducted to discuss the contents of the journals, to perform member checking and involved the clarification of emerging themes with the participants. No new information was identified in the journals. Data analysis Each interview was transcribed verbatim by the undergraduate researchers, in the original language of the participant. Interviews conducted in Afrikaans were translated into English and back translated before analysis.
QSR-NVivo 7 was used to analyse the data, allowing for electronic management, sorting and organisation of data into meaningful units, enabling the grouping of meaning and coded segments into themes. All descriptions from interview transcripts, participant journal entries and field notes were read in their entirety to obtain a "sense of overall data"43 before meaning segments were identified. This was done in accordance with Hycner's45 approach of immersion and reflective engagement towards phenomenologi-cal reduction.
Analysis was inductive, allowing themes to emerge directly from the data rather than imposing pre-existent concepts or theories. This is consistent with descriptive phenomenology. Different methods of data collection were utilised in order to ensure data triangulation which contributes to the credibility of findings Trustworthiness A number of techniques were used to ensure trustworthiness within this study. Trustworthiness includes credibility, reflexivity, transfer-ability, dependability and confirmability To ensure reflexivity, the researchers made a conscious effort to acknowledge and analyse their preconceptions, biases and beliefs about the phenomenon through bracketing their assumptions as much as possible47 from the beginning and throughout the research process.
The research was undertaken as part of the final year occupational therapy degree qualification and the researchers were four young adults from contexts different from those of the participants.
Bracketed assumptions included statements such as; 'playing in the street is dangerous'; 'it promotes rebellious behaviour'; 'it is irresponsible'.
Peer debriefing with an impartial expert researcher with experience in qualitative methods47 and member-checking took place in order to ensure credibility and confirmability.
An audit trail, which was developed, maintained and reviewed throughout the study ensured confirmability and dependability as the researchers could trace the themes back to the coded segments of meaning. Member-checking allowed the researchers to verify their interpretations of the data with the participants and thick description was used to describe the context to allow for transferability of the findings. RESULTS Although four themes were identified in this research, for the purposes of this article, 'fun and control', 'we run' and 'forming a collective identity', will be the focus see Table IV.
The fourth theme, 'living in a dangerous world', suggested parallels between playing on the street and the reality of living in Belhar. Playing on the street was described as fun.
This was highlighted by all participants, captured mostly through the use of an Afrikaans word 'lekker'. In Afrikaans, 'lekker' can be used to express various meanings; such as 'nice', lovely', and 'delicious'. The street afforded them the opportunity to stay out of trouble and make friends.
So 'lekker' was it to play on the street that Christine was often willing to miss her favourite television programme in order to join others on the street. Ownership of the street as play space came through strongly in the findings, with participants claiming territory over other competing interests, especially older youth and whenever their play was threatened by gang rivalry.
This is evident in what Richard had to say when he and his friends felt pressured to play elsewhere due to rivalry between two gangs in the area: Participants spoke of how older youth would often disrupt their play by joining them and then creating new rules to make the game more difficult, or did not comply with the original rules. Adults also seemed very aware of the value playing on the street carried for these participants, and could exercise control over the child at home by threatening to take away this privilege, as evident in what Richard shared: The participants revealed the idea of the street being free, an area where they were able to make their own choices, decisions, and choose their own games.
This was done outside the influence and boundaries set up by authority figures, such as their parents, teachers, and other family members.
Summit Session archives
But when it came to playing in the street, the participants perceived themselves as having the control, as opposed to playing in a facility where what they play or who they play with may be decided by an adult. Richard introduced the concept of control by mentioning that on the street he was free to do what he wanted to do: He would choose to play further out of the control of his parents in order for his play not to be disturbed.
When they are gone, then I am coming out. But if my friends are there, then I am going to come out. Running was often part of the games played, as Christine noted: In reference to describing why he liked playing on the street, Gerald remarked; Gerald: In claiming territory over the street as play space, participants often referred to collective ownership, denoted by use of the possessive pronoun 'our'.
It was interesting that even for Gerald, who had reported elsewhere that he played on the street from the age of nine, this memory stretched as far back as he could remember: If this is indeed true, Richard would effectively have played on the street for seven years.
Solid friendships are bound to be formed over such a long span of time engaging in play together. Participants indeed referred to very strong friendships, and collective agency was demonstrated in pulling resources together for play materials, as reflected in the following quote from Richard: Sticks, for the Three Sticks. This is indicated in a quote from Sean: Emergent collective or shared identity was most pronounced when participants spoke about how one became 'one of them'.
This was often in reference to younger children who wanted to join them, and did so through learning the participants' games and rules. Richard spoke very clearly about how this happened, illustrating how a newcomer had a designated spot from which to watch and learn before he or she could join.
The limited time would have compromised prolonged exposure for the researchers, and possibly not allowed adequate time for the participants to establish the trust necessary to share information more truthfully. As member checking allowed the researchers to take information back to the participants for confirmation, additional time may have been an ideal rather than essential.
It may be argued that less immersion into the school setting, where playing on the street may be frowned upon by the teachers, along with the fact that the researchers were young adults, increased the potential for participants to feel less judged for playing on the street. Data triangulation was attempted; however, monitoring and reminders were required in order to ensure the successful use of journaling with this pre-teen age group. A shared struggle The element of control as part of Belhar pre-teens' meaning-making in street play comes through very strongly in the findings of this research.
The theme, 'Fun and Control', suggests an inextricable link between fun and control, where one depends on the other. Participants report on street play being fun or 'lekker' in a manner that it becomes clear that denial of this engagement would suggest great injustice. Yet, the fact that street play is dependent on resources that are not readily available, and that it is constantly under threat from older children and adults, appears to intensify the fun.
Meet Me In St. Louis
This description of street play as ultimately a paradox of simultaneous freedom and constraint fits with how Wesolowski8 described capoeira, and may under-score the essence of street play. Occupational therapists, along with many other scholars of play, have highlighted 'intrinsic motivation' and 'free choice' as two amongst various key features of play30,31, Intrinsic motivation suggests that children engage in play for its sake, and not to be rewarded through factors unrelated to the play experience itself49, while free choice suggests that the child is in control of when and how she or he will play.
While there are clear similarities between the notion of intrinsic motivation and fun or lekker as described by participants in the current study, 'free choice' does not seem to capture the element of control as experienced in this research. In addition, while on one hand 'control' in the current study depicts the individual pre-teen's ability to join others in street play at will, it seems to also suggest participants' shared or collective sense of freedom from older children and adults to play as, when and where they wish.
The street offers opportunity for physical activity The second theme from the current research supports ethnographic work done by Barron1 on the extent of physical activity play among children in local housing estates in Ireland, where she found that a quarter of the images children collected of their physically active play engagements were in the streets and cul-de-sacs of the housing estates.
Similarly in the research reported here, the street offered a great opportunity for physical activity play. Given the environmental limitations of the terrain on the streets of Belhar where there are few trees or any other vegetation, physically active play was mostly limited to running.
Protecting children on whose behalf? Children's play has largely been dictated by adults, stemming mainly from societal and parental anxieties about the best way to raise children, protecting them and ensuring they develop into productive and fulfilled adults9.
For many adults, allowing children to play on the street is the antithesis to good parenting, and has led to many Progressive-era initiatives to build playgrounds and establish recreational programmes13,15, In containing children within structured play environments, 'dangers' that are cited not only include traffic, but other children as undesirable socialising agents Given these 'known' dangers that are often cited by adults, it is an interesting irony that children themselves may find street play as one way to stay out of trouble, as cited by one participant in the present study.
In reviewing the work of women's clubs in St Louis and Chicago between andwhere they contributed immensely to neighbourhood urban planning and brought about many public parks and playgrounds, Belanger13 found that these women, like many Progressive-era reformers, sought to impose their own middle-class notions about the dangers of unsupervised street play onto their working-class subjects.
This view may very well be well-founded, however judging by findings from the current research, where un-supervised street play in Belhar is seemingly sanctioned by adults, who understand it to be such a privilege that controlling access to it at times served as reward or punishment to mould child behaviour.
Collective identity and occupational trajectories in context The third theme, 'Forming a collective identity', signifies how, through street play, these pre-teens in Belhar cultivate a shared meaning, agency and identity over time. Together they come to claim territory over the street as contested space, sharing responsibility over resources for play, and accountability when something goes wrong. Each individual, by virtue of belonging to the group, is protected, having earned their place by learning and sticking to the rules of the game.
While middle-class ideas about unstructured or unsupervised street play being inherently dangerous13 should not be adopted at face value, the fact that street play serves as a strong socialising agent comes through undisputedly. This was indeed suggested by Abu-Ghazzeh29, who claimed that the street offered more than playgrounds could ever do, and is a significant space where children and young people will form an identity.
Street Play as occupation for pre-teens in Belhar, South Africa
Street play viewed this way may advance the rhetoric of play as identity6. Vitters — Can he be the next the next David Wright?
Moskos — Perpetually in need of pitching, the Rockies already have plenty of hitters in their organization as it is. Having shown some versatility by moving into the Clemson rotation late this year, Moskos should move quickly in whatever capacity the Rockies decide to use him. This is another squad that could be an absolute monster if it ever got some top flight pitching. Whatever money they saved by not signing Scherzer will be well spent here.
San Francisco Giants DA: Phillippe Aumont — The Marlins have an embarrasment of pitching depth, and only add to it with the flamethrowing Canadian. Jason Heyward — Through the miracle of a deep draft, Schuerholz gets his top target in the local kid. Beaven -The last time the Reds took a flamethrowing righty from Texas, it worked it well.