The pending Supreme Court case on affirmative action has reignited interest in work on the relationship between institutional selectivity and student outcomes. Prop might be said to have a negative effect of three percentage points. Though Wang professes to be in favor of affirmative action, the most projects employed a fixed percentage of African-Americans. But the first time the government used the term in relation to race The premise of affirmative action was that, for African-Americans, the status quo was innately negative. The tests also reflect that Affirmative Action may not be the necessary solver of trust and diversity, offering racism as an explanation of this negative relationship. Statistics reveal various race-based inequalities and scholars elucidate on.
This country is important to look at in whole for this reason, rather than regionally, because a diversity of races or people of color exist all over the country, even though large clusters of Afro-Brazilians tend to live in the Northeastern part of the country. Furthermore, the temporal domain is crucial because it includes information from immediately before the period when affirmative action quotas were put into place until none of their usage was maintained.
My unit of analysis is the impact of race marginalization and affirmative action on general social trust. Data Source World Values Survey is a large collection of surveys asking a variety of questions pertaining to social values. This dataset seemed particularly fruitful to use in regards to questions of race, trust, and the role of government since these are all essentially value-based criteria. WVS was also the only dataset that included all of this data together, including each of the control variables.
There were a total of survey results from to for Brazil, a good sample size to test from to more accurately test each variable. The survey dataset LAPOP does deal more directly with matters of race and skin color in its questions, and it also has questions related to trust. I chose not to use LAPOP, however, to gauge a longer time period, gather better proxy questions that involve social trust, race, and government programming, and include all of the control variables I sought to test.
Furthermore, direct engagement with the questions may not necessarily lead to better results since race has often been an elusive category to quantify in the first place, so a larger sample size may prove more useful than a more specific question. Dependent Variable General Social Trust. The study aims to measure the impact of racial marginalization on social trust and the effect of affirmative action programs that work to decrease racial disparities.
As such, my dependent variable is general social trust. I look at general social trust as opposed to social trust of particular races or groups of people because it speaks more to the immense diversity of Brazil in addition to relationships among the population overall.
Racial marginalization is how I define the phenomenon of institutional racism via color preference in Brazil. As a result of the social racial hierarchy, those of darker skin have been forced to the periphery politically, economically, and socially, with increased barriers to political participation, economic mobility, and social interactions.
Quantifying this phenomenon, however, is a difficult task since this often occurs without being recognized, as evidenced by the concept of Racial Democracy. This question comes closest, however, in establishing the social dynamic of racism. It makes intuitive sense for one to not want to be in the same neighborhood or community with people considered to be undesirable. Hence, this question determines negative racial sentiments in a manner that does not directly conjure explicit racial disdain.
Still, as previously noted, notions of race are still cloudy and this question may not translate well to a society that does not completely acknowledge race as a concept yet. Ample data on the effects of affirmative action over time has not been collected yet, especially in the case of Brazil.
There are indeed studies of approval ratings of Brazilian affirmative action, which will be used in the analysis, but this data is limited in scope Smith Rather, I test this variable through questions of governmental programs aimed to provide for the general welfare of the state as a proxy.
It is also contingent on the ideology of respondents rather than the effectiveness of the governmental programs. The question does relate to opinions of government, however, and may be able to gauge, to a degree, favor in affirmative action over time if it betters general social trust.
The issue is that since this question is so generalized, there may be an averaging effect of governmental competency in that bad governance could decrease sentiments of government even if good programming is implemented.
Affirmative Action | Overview
Control Variables A number of other factors could affect how social trust is generated in the context of Brazil in regards to race. Notably, I include age age of respondentsincome by income bracket of respondentsclass by determination of class bracket by respondentsgender as marked by respondentseducation level via primary, secondary, higher, or noneand ethnicity as marked by respondents. All of these variables were collected again from the WVS. Each of these factors must be kept constant to best measure the relationship between the dependent and main independent variables.
The controls equally have roles in social trust, race marginalization, and affirmative action and are standard in the literature. Methodology I execute an ordinal logistical regression test on my data to first examine the relationship of social trust and racial marginalization for my first hypothesis that posits social trust will decrease as racial marginalization increases.
For my second hypothesis I run two ordinal logistical regression tests on my data, one to test the relationship between racial marginalization and affirmative action, and the next to test the relationship between social trust and affirmative action. The use of ordinal logistical regression tests is pertinent in that many of the variables being tested allow for more than binary responses. The tests predict the likely outcome of each variable via odds ratios. The tests yield results that mark the likely relationship among the variables, the direction of those relationships, and if they are significant relationships.
For any of my hypotheses to be correct, they must result in a negative relationship with high significance levels.
Results Table 1 reports the odds ratios for the ordered logistical regression test on the impact of race marginalization on general social trust. This regression directly tests the legitimacy of my initial hypothesis: Race marginalization was measured by a proxy question that noted racial animus in communities and tested directly against general social trust, with six other control variables.
No odds ratio reveals a positive relationship and many bordered around the value of one, meaning that the odds were nearly 1: In other words, most of the data shows that the odds of the variables affecting social trust are slim.
Race marginalization, however, has the most extreme odds ratio of all 0. The ratios of occurrence make little sense without noting if these relationships are significant.
Four relationships in particular prove to be significant as they affect general social trust. Age proves to be the most significant, followed by race marginalization, and education, each at a 99 percent confidence interval. Income is also highly significant at a 95 percent confidence interval.
Combining the significance with the odds ratio information, clearly race marginalization plays a huge role in determining trust. In this regard, the null hypothesis for the first test can be rejected that there is no relationship between racial marginalization and general social trust.
Hence, the results strongly support Hypothesis 1, as the results show that the more racial marginalization there is, the less social trust there will be. The subsequent tests assess first if affirmative action can reduce racial marginalization and if it has any impact on general social trust. Again, many of the results hover around the 1: This includes the affirmative action variable. For this test, the only majorly different odds ratio is also the most significant variable.
Education has an odds ratio of 0. The results suggest accepting the null hypothesis and concluding that there is not significant support of affirmative action having an impact on racial marginalization.
Still, the more important component is the relationship between affirmative action and general social trust. Even if affirmative action does not reduce racial marginalization, if the trust of society can be affected, everyone can benefit in the long run. Table 3 below reports the relationship between affirmative action and general social trust.
Once more, the odds ratios stay close to the value of 1. The variable for affirmative action is extremely close to one and is not significant at all.
While age is highly significant, education seems to reflect a more prominent negative relationship with social trust that is also highly significant when government is involved. Income is significant once more in the relationship with social trust, but at a 95 percent level rather than 99 percent. In both tests, affirmative action proves to be insignificant and has no strong relationship to racial marginalization or general social trust.
In both cases, the null hypotheses must be accepted. Hence, the results do not lend enough support to accept H2: Discussion The first test successfully proved that racial marginalization and general social trust are connected in a strong and significant relationship. The odds are low that a Brazilian citizen will distrust someone of a different race while maintaining a high level of general social trust. This makes sense for both a dominant racial group and those of darker skin who are more marginalized.
If the dominant group maintains prejudice against other races, general trust cannot be achieved. Equally, if marginalized groups feel as though they cannot trust the dominant group due to a history of prejudice and racism, general social trust still cannot be achieved. Recall that scholars like Robert Putnam regard trust as a crucial building block to both social capital and democratic society at large insofar as trust enhances political participation and notions of national citizenship Putnam Clearly, these results illuminate a great need to further examine how race relations affect greater political dynamics in a country.
On one hand, my study expands this finding from a U. My study, however, delves further into the matter of diversity, explaining that it is not just the variety of people in a community that decreases social trust, but racial marginalization and the historical racism that penetrates society and its institutions. Hence, more research needs to be conducted to further examine the effects of racial marginalization on social trust, social capital, and democracy in general.
Furthermore, better data may be collected to better assess this claim. As noted earlier, racism in Brazil is much more than subjective feelings of one race to another, but the greater political, economic, and social marginalization of those who have darker skin color. Therefore, more substantive data must be collected to better illustrate this dynamic and note the extent to which racism has political ramifications.
The ability of affirmative action to reduce racial marginalization and increase general social trust was proven to be lacking with the last two ordered logistical regression tests. In many ways, the results make sense. The data spanned a year period where only six years had affirmative action quotas and programs actually in place in Brazil.
In addition, the question used to measure affirmative action was a highly generalized proxy based on notions of government responsibility. The question is highly ideologically biased and does not confirm actual success. Last, the way affirmative action operates, it attempts to correct historical racial marginalization and does so for privileged students of color who have ascended through a society that has already marginalized them for 18 years.
Hence, affirmative action inherently conducts an ex post facto type of correction that benefits a privileged few and is only measurable on a long-term basis. This is not to delegitimize the potential or necessity of affirmative action, but to say that it may not be enough to solve problems of race in a society.
Ultimately, the test revealed no correlation between affirmative action and social trust. My findings are strikingly similar to the findings of scholar Amy Erica Smith in her study of citizen support for affirmative action in Brazil. She found that the majority of Brazilians, approximately 70 percent, support affirmative action in Brazil Smith She found level of education, race, and income level of the respondents to her survey the most significant factors affecting opinions.
Specifically, those who were white or lighter skin colored, those with more education, and those of higher income levels were more likely to disapprove of affirmative action quotas and programs. Given this data, it makes sense that affirmative action would not affect social trust because a high majority of citizens accept the programs. Perhaps the most interesting find from the data was the consistent significance of three control variables in the tests against social trust: Both age and income make sense in the data; the older a person is, the less likely he or she is to have general social trust, and the more one earns, the less likely he or she is to trust.
In addition, the recent emergence of affirmative action and attention to race issues marks a dynamic paradigm shift from previous notions of Racial Democracy.
These older and more privileged people would naturally be more disadvantaged with racial justice in the short term because it disrupts their ideological foundation and their societal privileges, as these people are also more likely to be homogenous in race and less marginalized.
Most fascinating of all is the education value, shown to be significant in all three tests. S social trust literature always points to education having a positive impact on social trust PutnamNewton Smith notes that those more educated are unsupportive of affirmative action because they have already benefited from higher education and see the concept of quotas as unfair Smith Actual opinions versus reported opinions may also differ in attempting to be more politically correct or respectable Boven The vestiges of the dictatorial regime may also have an impact on who receives education and what kind of education one receives in Brazil.
Lastly, the most educated also represent the most elite in the society; they are predominately lighter skinned, so racial animus and notions of Racial Democracy may also play a role in these relationships. In any case, more research should be conducted to review how education, trust, and racism interplay in Brazil.
Conclusion Discussions of race and attempts to correct the historical race marginalization are quickly emerging in Brazil. This study examined the relationship between racial marginalization and social trust as a jumping off point for further examination of how racism operates in Brazilian society and the greater effects it has politically. Affirmative action, as a recent proclamation of racial disparity in Brazil and the first major step to correcting these problems, proves to be a critical place to begin analysis on how government can take action to correct historical racial injustice.
It is also a strategy heavily adopted and currently in contention in the United States, further meriting its examination abroad. Given the complexity of each component in my study, more nuanced data would be appropriate to further affirm or expand on my results. More recent data that looks explicitly at affirmative action and its relationship with solving racial marginalization as well as its impact on social trust may yield more fruitful results than the tests conducted in this project.
Nevertheless, my data is telling of a serious problem of racism and how it affects Brazilian society at large. Many scholars have studied the effects of social capital, but few have looked specifically at social trust and even fewer on how race plays a role in general social trust. Most provocatively, scholar Robert Putnam found that diversity has a negative impact on social trust, but never explained why this may be the case Putnam This study makes the argument that this dynamic may be explained through racial marginalization and societal racism that would fuel distrust among a diversity of people.
Future research should examine this relationship in other contexts of heavy race marginalization and, eventually, on a more general scale. This is vital in that social trust is a critical component of civil society and how a democracy can most effectively be run.
Particularly in Brazil, social trust is of great importance. Brazil has been touted as a country already with incredibly low amounts of social trust despite its economic rise. With incredible racial marginalization occurring in the underbelly of the country, socio-economic problems on a larger scale are become more glaring.
The very recent Salad Uprising protests in June and current outcries over government spending and responsibility are most likely linked to social trust, or the lack thereof. Marginalized groups have reached a tipping point of governmental distrust and are demanding more attention from the government to fix the problems that ail the country rather than increasing standards of living to finance huge expenditures like the upcoming World Cup.
Clearly, more study must be focused on Brazilian civil society and marginalization as well as governmental welfare, as most dangerous and disastrous effects may follow from the protests if a solution is not found quickly.
This project marks the first step in assessing the complex social relationships among peoples and between people and the government.
Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo and David R. Why Skin Color Matters. Stanford University Press, pp. The Case of Affirmative Action. Duckitt, John and Thobi Mphuthing. African Attitudes before and after the Transition. The Masters and the Slaves: A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilization.
University of California Press, pp. Race and the Public Space in Brazil. Board of Education decision in outlawing school segregation and the Civil Rights Act of improved life prospects for African Americans. Inhowever, only five percent of undergraduate students, one percent of law students, and two percent of medical students in the country were African American. President Lyndon Johnson, an advocate for affirmative action, signed an Executive Order in that required government contractors to use affirmative action policies in their hiring to increase the number of minority employees.
In the following years, colleges and universities began adopting similar recruitment policies, and over time the enrollment rates for African American and Latino students increased steadily.
According to data from the National Center on Education Statistics NCESin70 percent of white high school graduates immediately enrolled in college, compared to 56 percent of African American graduates and 61 percent of Hispanic graduates. The updated report finds that in69 percent of white high school graduates immediately enrolled in college, compared to 65 percent of African American graduates and 63 percent of Hispanic graduates.
The Affirmative Action Debate The use of race as a factor in the college admissions process has been, and continues to be, a hotly debated topic. Supporters of affirmative action make the following arguments: Affirmative action is more of a process than just an admissions policy. Colleges and universities reach out to groups that are underrepresented and urge students to apply.Why I hate affirmative action and quotas
Institutions often offer financial aid to underrepresented students and provide on-campus support programs to improve their academic success. Affirmative action programs have resulted in doubling or tripling the number of minority applications to colleges or universities, and have made colleges and universities more representative of their surrounding community.
Statistics show that after California abolished its affirmative action programs inthe minority student admissions at UC Berkeley fell 61 percent, and minority admissions at UCLA fell 36 percent. After Texas abolished its affirmative action program inRice University's freshman class had 46 percent fewer African-Americans and 22 percent fewer Hispanic students. Graduates who benefited from affirmative action programs say that they have received better jobs, earned more money, and ultimately are living better lives because of the opportunity they received.
Diversity in higher education provides an educational advantage for all students, both personally and intellectually. We exist in a global, multicultural society, and in order to achieve success, employers and employees must be able to work effectively with the diverse society that surrounds them. Affirmative action policies are necessary in order to compensate for centuries of racial, social, and economic oppression.
Generally, individuals with higher socioeconomic status have more opportunities than those from lower socioeconomic backgrounds.